The recent visit by external minister S. Jaishankar to a Dalit family’s home for food raises serious questions. The Manusmriti states that Dalits are deemed impure, and numerous historical sources document the atrocities committed against Dalits whenever they come into contact with the upper castes. The Law Code of Manu mentions:
He (Twice Born) must never eat the following food: the food of a Shudra. (Ch 4. 210, Olivelle, Patrick, Manu’s Code of Law, OUP, New York)
The food of a Shudra robs him of his eminence in Vedic knowledge (if he is twice born). (Ibid., Ch. 4. 218)
A learned twice-born must never eat cooked food given by a Sudra who lacks a spirit of generosity. (Ibid., Ch. 4. 223)
This clearly portrays how food comes under the purview of the twice-born. One may question why the minister does not invite the poor Dalits to his own house. Why not take the initiative to personally cook food for them if he genuinely desires to dine with them?
Voyeuristic Pleasure and Dalit
The major question here is what really happened when a high caste leader went to have food in a poor Dalit house. Does this serve as an example of how leaders from the high caste do not dine in the homes of any Dalit individuals, irrespective of their social class within the community? Given that the Congress president and many big leaders are Dalits, it raises the question of whether the foreign minister is also declining to dine with them. If the caste is in question here for the poor Dalit family status in Hindu society, then the Congress president also comes to the ambit where high caste is not going to dine with him. The question certainly arises: if caste impurity is the concern and the purpose of the voyage is to send a broader message in society that a Brahmin should dine in a Dalit household, why do the leaders exclusively choose to visit poor Dalit individuals? Why don’t they engage in meals with Dalit leaders who hold political stature and promote it through the media?
Continuity of dominance through appropriation
The answer lies in the deeply ingrained psychology of the upper castes, who, on the one hand, view Dalits as impure and themselves as pure, and, on the other hand, share seats, invite Dalit leaders to their party, and even join the Dalit party (in the case of the BSP) to gain socio-political strength. This psychology ultimately manifests itself in the appropriation of the upper castes under the guise of Dalit emancipation. For the sake of their continued dominance, this is the height of hypocrisy. Here, it becomes crystal clear that the ruling Brahmin or the upper castes do not give a damn about their own purity. What happens to their purity when a Mishra joins the party of Dalits, who have remained significant in Uttar Pradesh? The notion of purity and pollution evaporates when one is required to work under a Dalit woman chief minister. The answer to this psychology of traditionally exploitative castes lies in the historical domination of the upper castes within the Indian social and political system. One can easily see how Brahmins and upper castes cooperated with ruling Muslims and the British to maintain their dominance within society by studying the many layers of medieval and colonial history in India. Alliances and partnerships were formed during these times, frequently motivated by self-interest and the maintenance of social hierarchy. Despite the absence of caste distinction in Islam, its ruling elites made sure that they would resemble the social elites of Hindu society. Therefore, caste prevails among them as well, and in some cases, it becomes worse than it is among Hindus.
Thus, the visits and voyages do not make a difference. Even in a symbolic sense, it does not imply that upper castes will suddenly start believing that low castes are neither impure nor pure. Unless Dalits are viewed beyond mere political tools used for personal and political gains, which ultimately perpetuate the socio-cultural dominance of the upper castes, achieving true equality and fair treatment remains improbable. On the other hand, Dalits also need to believe in the Dr. Ambedkar idea that they need to struggle for their socio-political strength through educational and other means.
Conclusion
The upper castes’ psychic perception of Dalits frequently paints them as weak, helpless, and economically backwards in the case of upper caste political leaders. The practice of choosing Dalits for ‘food voyages’ is a manifestation of this mindset, which results in the mockery of Dalits for the purpose of achieving political ends. This psychic understanding reflects a pervasive prejudice and bias that limits Dalit people’s agency, resilience, and potential. The upper castes reinforce the social hierarchies and power dynamics that have long marginalized and oppressed Dalits by portraying them as weak and helpless. The selection of Dalits for political leaders ‘food voyages’ can be seen as a manipulative strategy aimed at creating an illusion of inclusivity and concern for the Dalit community. Instead, recognizing and embracing Dalits’ inherent dignity, agency, and contributions is essential for building a more equitable and inclusive society.