At the age of 82, veteran socialist leader Mulayam Singh Yadav passed away. He began his political career as an aide to Ram Manohar Lohia, a Stewart man, and was greatly influenced by his ideas of socialism. Mulayam Singh also took a strong interest in backward caste politics and helped mobilize other members of the country’s underclass. Mulayam Singh first ran for office in 1967 from the Uttar Pradesh seat of Jaswant Nagar. When Lohia visited JaswantNagar to see Mulayam Singh’s election campaign, he gave him a 100 rupee gift and offered him his blessings before departing. Mulayam Singh was successful in winning the election and was subsequently elected as the youngest member of the assembly at the time. His fellow villagers opted not to eat for one meal and decided to fund the fuel immediately after he brought the ambassador’s automobile but had no money to fill it with gas. After Yadav was elected chief minister, Mulayam Singh, better known as Neta Ji and Dhartiputra, became the centre of attention. He once rode in the helicopter with an army officer. As soon as one of them recognized the district, Shri Yadav interjected and revealed that Kanpur was the district in the discussion. While riding in the helicopter, he may foresee the district by looking at the crop.
Since independence, the upper caste has held the majority of high-profile jobs, and since Ram Naresh became chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, the upper caste’s political monopoly has grown increasingly strict. Kaapori Takur was elected as the chief minister of Bihar. The term “upper cate” used to be passed. There is no doubt that Yadav challenges the upper caste political nexus; obc-sc for the first time filled the void and Yadav was elected chief minister; mainstream media and the discourse surrounding Yadav is the party of “goons” wrestlers; Mulayam Singh Yadav poses a radical challenge and asserts obc politics in Uttar Pradesh; upper caste feels the insecurity due to the mobilization; and the politics of division are referred to as “caste politics” by the media, which is ultimately under the power of the higher caste. The progression of Mulayam Singh Yadav from someone without any political experience to a political fighter. Following JP’s demand for a complete revolution, obc and SC in particular begin organising across the Hindi heartland. Feeling betrayed by the way the SC and the OBC voted for Janta Dal, several politicians from the so-called lower caste rose to prominence. In this group is Singh. There is no doubting Yadav’s political control and threat to the upper caste.
Mandal Verse Kamndal
‘मिले मुलायम कांशीराम, हवा में उड़ गए जयश्री राम’ और ‘बाकी राम झूठे राम, असली राम कांशीराम’
These two political heavyweights joined forces in 1992, when the Ram Janbhoomi movement was at its height in the nation, to block the BJP’s winning chariot. When Uttar Pradesh’s assembly elections were conducted in 1993, following the destruction of Babri, political circles began to echo the union of these two pioneers’ cries. Unfortunately for the SP politician, this occurred at a time when communal division in Uttar Pradesh was intensifying as a result of the BJP’s aggressive Ram Janmabhoomi campaign. Mulayam Singh adopted an aggressively secular stance as more and more OBCs were lured into that movement and concentrated his efforts on Muslims who were being victimised by the BJP’s divisive policies. Even worse, he gave the police orders to open fire on karsevaks who attempted to march in the direction of the Babri Masjid.
His political rivals on the Hindu right mocked him as “Maulana Mulayam” as a result. Agitation of Muslim Dalits and OBC had turned the equations of the country’s politics along with Uttar Pradesh as the OBCs attracted into the Hindutva movement started to reject him and the Muslims moved near to him for safety. Muslims have backed the Dalits and OBCs in their battle for social justice at least since 1990–199, For their election triumphs, the non-Congress, non-BJP parties have relied on the Muslim, Dalit, and OBC coalition. However, the collaboration between such groups of people was not just for elections or political agitations. Minorities have constantly supported Dalits in recent years when it comes to matters involving the atrocities committed against them and their social rights. But the proponents of communal ideology are at odds with this partnership. At least, such is the image one gets from the recent outbreaks of violence in various sections of the nation that are allegedly motivated by religion.
Disciple Of Socialist Leader Ram Manohar Lohia
Socialist ne baandhi gaanth – pichare paye sau me saath (Socialists have resolved that the backward classes should get sixty per cent share)
Singh had an admirable group of mentors, which was beneficial for him politically. He received an unparalleled political education from Lohia, the charismatic leader of the Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP). After seeing him compete in the wrestling, Nathu Singh Yadav, an SSP MLA and fellow wrestler, decided to give up his own Assembly seat of Jaswantnagar for the young man. Karpoori Thakur, Former Chief Minister of Bihar, served as an inspiration to him. In addition, he was trained by former Prime Minister Charan Singh, who gave him the nickname “Chota Napoleon” in honour of his leadership abilities despite his little size. Mulayam was a seven-term member of parliament and a ten-time member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly. He also served as defence minister.
Mandal Verse Kamndal
‘मिले मुलायम कांशीराम, हवा में उड़ गए जयश्री राम’ और ‘बाकी राम झूठे राम, असली राम कांशीराम’
In 1992, when the Ram Janbhoomi movement was at its peak across the country, these two political stalwarts had come together to stop the BJP’s victory chariot. After the demolition of Babri, when the assembly elections of Uttar Pradesh were held in 1993, the slogans of the union of these two stalwarts started resonating in political circles. Unfortunately for the SP leader, this coincided with the increasing communal polarisation in Uttar Pradesh following the BJP’s belligerent Ram Janmabhoomi campaign. As an increasing number of OBCs began to be drawn into that movement, Mulayam Singh turned aggressively secular, focusing his energies on the Muslims who were at the receiving end of the BJP’s divisive politics. He even ordered the police to fire on kar sevaks who tried to march towards the Babri Masjid.
This led his political antagonists on the Hindu right to derisively name him “Maulana Mulayam”. As the OBCs drawn into the Hindutva project began to abandon him, and the Muslims drew closer to him for protection, his base began to shrink to the Muslim-Yadav combine, Agitation of Muslim Dalits and obc had reversed the equations of the country’s politics along with Uttar Pradesh. At least since 1990-91, the Muslims have supported the Dalits and the OBCs’ fight for social justice. The non-Congress, non-BJP parties have depended on the combined Muslims-Dalit-OBCs for their electoral victories. But the cooperation among those communities was not limited to elections or political agitations. In recent years, minorities have consistently stood by the Dalits on issues related to atrocities perpetrated against them and their social rights. But this alliance does not suit the flag-bearers of communal ideology. At least, that is the impression one gets from the violence supposedly rooted in religion that has recently broken out in different parts of the country.
Politics Underneath Mulayam Singh Yadav Since The Mandal Agitation
The Mandal Commission’s implementation altered the political landscape of Indian politics; OBCs, who were underrepresented in all spheres, became aware of their situation and voted accordingly. Their sudden impact was felt in the northern states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, and OBCs learned about their future as a result of the Mandal Commission’s implementation. The OBCs were effectively unified by leaders like Kanshi Ram, Lalu Prasad, Mayawati, and Mulayam Singh. The OBCs gained control of the two states as a result of the mobilisation. The OBCs, however, didn’t start to become politically aware until the Hindi Belt. This consciousness did not survive for very long since there was no matching cultural movement. Caste-based prejudice cannot be eradicated by political consciousness alone. This hegemonic order wants to maintain the Brahmins’ dominance. Lalu and Mulayam were focused on establishing family fiefdoms during their gatherings.
Yadavs outnumbered other castes, which resulted in an increase in the number of community members winning elections. The opposition started a defamation campaign, claiming that two parties were Yadav-affiliated. The BJP profited from the divisiveness that resulted between the dominant and minority OBC castes as a result of this. Similar divisions existed between Jatav and non-Jatav Dalits in this situation, which ultimately contributed to the Bahujan Samaj Party’s demise (BSP). We must acknowledge that their cultural revolution gave Brahmanism its invincibility. That is why the BJP is in power in both Uttar Pradesh and Bihar despite innumerable instances of injustice and atrocities committed against the Dalits and the OBCs. The BJP’s ascent to power in Delhi was significantly aided by the OBC Dalit-dominated states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Despite making up only 3.5% of the population, Brahmins outsmarted most people and gained power without much difficulty.
Mulayam Singh made a significant contribution to the struggle against upper caste politics, even if you disagree with his ideologies. He had no political background as he advanced from wrestler to chief minister of the most populated state, he dared to challenge communal forces. As a minister of defense, he granted the family the right to the martyr’s body. The media keeps making fun of Mulayam Singh, naming him a party of goons, a nonserious leader, etc Caste prejudice in the media is abundantly clear. He failed to confront the country’s uprooted Brahmanism, From Dalit-Muslim, and obc politics, to restricted to Muslim Yadav politics.