In the Birbhum district of West Bengal, in the Mohammed Bazar area, lies the Deucha-Harinsingha-Dewanganj block. Deucha Pachami has been in the news for some time now. People living in and around Bengal, and the conscious mass of the country, are more or less aware of the incidents taking place in this region.
The recent chaos erupted just after the state government announced that they are going to capture 13.7 square kilometers of land, to build the second largest coal block of the world, and the largest coal block in the country in the Deucha-Harinsingha-Dewanganj block.
This area lies in the border area of Jharkhand and Bengal—the Santhal Parganas, that is predominantly inhabited by Adivasi communities.
Dibyendu Chaudhuri and Parijat Ghosh, in their article for Down to Earth, pointed out that this project would displace 21,000 people, among which 9,034 Adivasi people (i.e., nearly 45% of the displaced people) will face the same fate.
Displacement In The Name Of Development
This incident resulted in a mass resistance, that is still continuing. People from the Adivasi community (predominantly, the Santhals), have come forward to protest against this displacement.
On February 20, 2022, the locals organised a protest meeting against their forced displacement. Many democratic individuals from Kolkata and nearby areas, participated in this protest.
Noted activist and economist Prasenjit Das was one of them. However, immediately after the protest, the police arrested nine activists who were returning from the meeting. Two of them were Adivasi locals.
This instance of Adivasi people’s rights being under attack, sparked a huge protest. But, it also sheds light on the plight of the tribals in states like Bengal. In India, after independence, 55% of the displaced masses came from tribal communities.
Government’s Witch-Hunt Of Tribal Folk
During the phase of the left-front government, the Singur, Nandigram and Lalgarh land acquisition cases, created a huge anti-CPIM, or Communist Party of India (Marxist), atmosphere in Bengal. Adivasis in west Midnapore’s Lalgarh played an active role in this movement.
The CPIM government arrested a large number of tribal activists. Most of them were charged with participating in anti-state and Maoist activities, as well as laws like the Unlawful Prevention Activities Act (UAPA), and the one to do with sedition.
Till today, Adivasi activists like Buddhadeb Mahato, Manaswaram Hembram, Sukh Shanti Baske and many tribal activists have been in the prisons of Bengal, for more than ten years now.
The scenario didn’t change much after Mamata Banerjee became the chief minister. A second phase of anti-Maoist operations was initiated, resulting in the arrest of even more tribal people.
Adivasis Attacked For Asserting Their Rights
Both of Buddhadeb’s kidneys are damaged. His health is worsening. Human rights organisations like the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR) have sent a letter to the West Bengal Human Rights Commission, and yet, the government is dillydallying.
If we note, this attack on tribal people and political prisoners, is not just a matter of one political party and their ideology. Adivasis have been isolated, displaced and attacked for a long time. In Bengal, the left-front government attacked the tribal communities and tried to capture their lands and forests.
On the other hand, the Banerjee government that came to power (after capitalising on the anti-CPIM and anti-land acquisition movements), is now trying to capture the land of the poor Adivasis in the Deucha region.
The irony is that Adivasis are still being targeted, attacked and arrested, for asserting their rights. According to some political activists, attacks on tribal people in reaction to them resisting state power, have been constant. There has been no viable change in the approach of the state’s forces.
Is There A Solution To This Problem?
Political activist Ankita Biswas, who has worked extensively with tribal agricultural workers in Bengal, pointed out that:
“According to me, the attack on tribals has been a continuous process. It seems like it has been very much normalised in our society. But, resistance matters! It can bring about some change. If we take the example of the recent case of Odisha’s Dhinkia, we will notice that besides the legal battle, mass resistance plays an important role.”
Biswas added: “Historically speaking, mass resistance has always been a threat for the state. So, resistance can be an important aspect for the tribals to fight this battle against eviction, and at the same time, push back against the persistent witch-hunt they have been forced to endure.”
If we notice the Singur movement that took place in West Bengal, the protesting farmers were successful in their movement. Beside the legal fight, mass resistance played an important role there, too.
On the other hand, the Lalgarh movement was successful, but in a different way. Because of the mass resistance, the Jindal group was forced to step back from their steel plant project in Shalboni.
Mass Movements Lead To Change
The Lalgarh movement made the government aware of the issues faced by the tribes in the Jangalmahal belt. The communication problems were resolved and road projects were undertaken. The government started concentrating on the health and education of the people living there.
Hospitals with better facilities, were built in the town, along with primary schools being started in the villages. The long-drawn problem of water crisis in the belt, was gradually resolved.
These initiatives by the state government help us understand the impact of the Lalgarh movement. It had an effect on the government.
The same goes in case of the political prisoners. In Bengal, just after the emergency (1975-’77), the movement for the release of political prisoners gained momentum. As a result, in 1977, after the left-front government came to power, they started releasing political prisoners.
The movement for the release of political prisoners forced the government to take notice and ultimately, release some activists from prison. The same can happen again. After all, Sudha Bharadwaj was released from prison, even if father Stan Swamy wasn’t.
If the democratic voices of the country come forward and demand the release of all political prisoners, including tribal people and those who work for their rights, it might pressurise the government to act. Otherwise, we will lose out on people like Swamy, who died in jail.
He worked extensively among the tribals of Jharkhand, and got arrested after being branded as a a Maoist.
If the democratic voices in our nation do not join hands with the tribal organisations of our country and build a mass movement, the condition of the tribal political prisoners won’t change for the better.
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This is the third part of the three-part series on ‘the plight of political prisoners from the tribal communities of West Bengal‘ as a part of the Justicemakers’ Writer’s Training Program, run in partnership with Agami and Ashoka’s Law For All Initiative. The first and second parts can be found here and here.