It’s been almost two years to the last Rohingya crisis, which started on August 25, 2017. The unprecedented influx of almost a million Rohingyas added to the already prevailing 200,000 Rohingya population in Bangladesh (which was a result of previous influx of 1978, 1990,1992, 2012 and 2016.) This brought a crisis of a mammoth scale in an already trouble-ridden Bangladesh. Receiving this huge population without any planning or resources, was outlandish for a poor country like Bangladesh. But with the help of international community, donors and humanitarian agencies, the calamity was handled quite systematically and professionally. Bangladesh government’s decision to receive and provide shelters to this traumatized population was brave and penetratingly humane.
What Bangladesh and humanitarian activists have achieved in these two years, what they have missed and how to find possible solutions is analyzed below:
A Look Into History
The Rohingyas are the most prosecuted minorities in the world. They come from a vast history of poverty and renunciation. During the mid-1850s, the Britishers were ruling the Arakan (now Rakhine) province, and their policies encouraged the people to migrate to fertile valleys of Arakan. Many Rohingya people who were earlier forced to leave their ancestral lands, carried their nostalgia with them and finally came back to Rakhine. But Rakhine, already inhabited by the Buddhist population by then, considered them as forceful intruders, and branded them as migrants from Southern Chittagong area.
During the Japanese rule of 1942 in Rakhine, many Rohingyas were forced to flee back to Chittagong. The history gives us the story of the Rohingya population’s move from Rakhine to Chittagong and vice versa. The 1982 Citizenship Law of Myanmar shorn of the identity of Rohingyas out of their 135 recognized ethnic groups. They were denied the basic rights of marriage, education, travel and employment.
A large population of this minority Muslim ethnic group has been repressed continuously and systematically by the military regime of Myanmar and Rakhine hoodlums. Generation after generation, if a community is denied of their existence and is restricted to minimum living conditions—where they don’t know if their children will have a better future or not, will they ever be able to experience what being a free citizen feels like?
The Current Crisis
Bangladesh, already burdened with its own problems, having very limited resources as a developing economy was not entirely ready for an influx like this. But on humanitarian grounds, Bangladesh was fierce enough to take on the challenge, and in so many cases, successfully clear the initial stage of supporting this needy population. The donors, humanitarian agencies and international communities, too, were successful enough in stabilizing the initial crisis.
But the crisis only got bigger from here on. We don’t know when the repatriation will happen or whether it will happen or not. Myanmar is now accusing Bangladesh of delaying the repatriation process—when both the governments have signed the MOU, and the process was supposed to start from January 2018. Myanmar played a safe card by signing the MOU in no time, knowing that a traumatized population will not agree without an assurance of Myanmar citizenship and basic rights.
It’s already been one and half years and the repatriation has not taken place—as Myanmar shows no signs of recognizing the rights of the Rohingya population. While Myanmar is economically important for India, China, Russia and Japan; Bangladesh might not get support from these countries. Bangladesh cannot prove that it has better economic prospects to offer these countries than its counterpart.
One the other hand, the atrocities of the Myanmar army on this poor population are being overlooked. Until now Myanmar military has not been brought to inquiry for breaching the human rights and practicing rampages towards the Rohingyas since August 2017. There are widespread evidences of them misusing their authority, and of their brutality towards the ethnic minority.
Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, on June 1st, 2019 in OIC conference, demanded to bring the Myanmar military under the International Court of Justice. Now Bangladesh can play a role in bringing the international community and influential countries on the same page and bring justice to the heinous crime carried out by Myanmar Army. The U.S. state department should publicly release the findings of its investigation and use it to promote accountability as well.
The Myanmar government has high restrictions for the remaining Rohingya population in Rakhine. This population is living under restricted movement, with limited access to healthcare and livelihoods. Most of these people are dependent of humanitarian aid, but for the last 16 months the conditions and access has been severely restricted. There’s still a continuation of arbitrary arrests and abuses too. These issues should be addressed with escalated international pressure, ensuring that the abuse against ethnic minorities goes to the International Criminal Court.
Is There A Solution?
Bangladesh must focus more on this issue and make extra efforts and use more resources to cope with the crisis. As Bangladesh is always burdened with new challenges, it is obvious that the country will come up with a possible solution, but it depends on how fast and diplomatically it can address this issue internationally. Especially when Myanmar has already started their propaganda, and is trying to grab more friends on this issue by blaming Bangladesh for delaying the process of repatriation.
Bangladesh is also standing by the Rohingyas, and not letting the repatriation happen until a safe, voluntary, dignified and systematic grant of basic rights is assured to the plighted population. The areas where the Rohingya community is living in Bangladesh are densely populated with high risks of landslides, cyclones during the monsoon period. The Bangladesh government has done a tremendous job in providing shelter and lands to these people in need, but they must remove the bureaucratic hindrances to the urgent humanitarian assistance and protection.
There are people among the influx who were a part of repatriation earlier. They are also frustrated with the lack of sustainable solutions to the issue of their rights and identity. Even though this population is willing to go back to Rakhine, they are not ready to do so without dignity and a full- fledged citizenship assured by Myanmar.
There is a growing agitation among the local communities in Bangladesh, as they are also poor, but are not getting the same attention from government and humanitarian agencies, despite having sacrificed their lands to accommodate the Rohingyas. There is also an increase in the crime rate in local communities—as poor Rohingyas are getting involved in minor crimes—due to the lack of livelihood opportunities, and other restrictions placed on them.
The best possible solution for this crisis would be a third country resettlement, where the refugees can be free from what they have suffered through decades. It is perhaps better than the lingering process of repatriation and uncertainty. Many countries have opened their doors to a third country resettlement in the past, and the populations are now living in better conditions with new hopes and more importantly, with dignity.