Lately, after the demise of our former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, I came across people from the right wing asking how could I praise Vajpayee as a statesman and still oppose a party that he belonged to. I don’t know if there is any rule written in politics that you can’t admire a person whose ideology you don’t believe in. But that’s the beautiful state of democracy that many supporters of the BJP don’t seem to concede with.
So here’s a comparative analysis of why Atal’s BJP was way better than Modi’s.
1. The Hunger For Power
Vajpayee’s BJP :
There’s a (now-viral) video of Atalji from May, 1996, when the opposition moved a ‘No Confidence motion’. After 13 days of horse-trading and poaching, the opposition successfully brought the Atal Government down on its knees. On the day of motion, when Atal stood up to deliver his speech, the country knew he’d be on the losing side. But when Atal came out, he came out as winner. He delivered a fiery speech with plethora of punchlines. He said he will not form a government of compromise. He stated the compromise was immoral and a great disservice to the verdict of people. He walked out saying, “I am going to meet the president to give away my resignation.”
People who sat there in Parliament that day saw the most cinematic moment of Indian political history.
Modi’s BJP:
After coming to power in 2014, during a historic victory in the Lok Sabha, Modi’s BJP has made different compromises for power. From the alliance with the People’s Democratic Party in Kashmir, that sympathises with separatism, to disregarding Bihar’s election verdict (when BJP allied with Nitish Kumar) by making the present government collapse. In states like Goa and few more, they formed governments even after not being the single largest party. This shows the current BJP is power-hungry and immoral in its approach towards democracy.
2. Senior Leaders And Party Democracy
Vajpayee’s BJP:
During his regime as a President of BJP or as a Prime Minister of country, Vajpayee was surrounded people of his own stature. From L. K. Advani, Jaswant Singh, Sushma Swaraj, Pramod Mahajan, and Gopinath Mundhe, the BJP was a star-studded political party. Vajpayee played his politics to reach the top for himself without belittling other leaders of his stature.
Party democracy was evident back in those days because, often, the leadership would come out inthe open and express their discomfort with the party’s many policies.
Modi’s BJP:
If you observe Modi’s politcal journey, even from the time he was eyeing the Chief Ministership of Gujarat, he’s had a record of finishing the political careers of his own fellow leaders. From Keshu Bhai Patel to Advani, Modi has always made sure that people who resist him are ‘managed’.
If we are to talk about party democracy, we can see BJP leaders and spokespersons defending even the most pathetic performances of the present government. Nobody dares to talk without the permission of their High Command. Modi and Amit Shah control the entire BJP, and that’s the scary part. Modi hasn’t let any of his leaders grow to the point where they can replace him.
(Dis)respect For The Opposition, And Bizzare Mudslinging
Vajpayee’s BJP:
There’s a famous story about when Vajpayee became Prime Minster. He noticed that his staff has gotten Nehru’s painting removed from the office. When he noticed it, he asked his staff to put the painting back in the office. Despite having ideological differences, he had no hatred for either Nehru or anybody from Gandhi Family.
Even though he criticised the Congress’s policies daringly from a mic on stage, he did never stoop to making personal attacks on the Congress.
Modi’s BJP:
From calling Rahul Gandi ‘Pappu’ during working parliament sessions to tagging Sonia as a “50 Crore ki girlfriend” and “vidhva” (widow) to making sick remarks about Nehru from a public stage, Modi’s BJP doesn’t seem to be worried.
4. Freedom Of Press And Party Cadre
Vajpayee’s BJP:
During the regime of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the media and press were always on their toes, poised for criticism. From the demolition of the Babri Masjid to the nuclear tests at Pokhran, Vajpayee’s BJP never shied away from answering questions. The most interesting example is when Frontline magazine posted articles regarding Vajpayee’s role in helping the British during freedom movement. The then Prime Minster went to Frontline for an interview and clarified all the allegations against him, as well as his stand. I wonder if Modi would do this on the Rafale controversy?
His BJP worked with the help of their workers on the ground level. From door-to-door campaigns to Rath Yatras, their workers were always in action.
Modi’s BJP:
When Gauri Lankesh was shot dead, it was clear that it was out of a vendetta. It sent a clear message to journalists: flip to our side or we will flip you away by any means possible.
How did the majority of media, who kept haunting Modi for his role in 2002 riots, suddenly bow to his rise as a Prime Ministerial candidate?
Why didn’t people dare to write on the Sohrabuddin case or Judge Loya’s sudden death?
Why is the media still haunting Alok Verma for being anti-Modi when the actual worry is that India’s biggest institution—democracy—has been destroyed, and it may never come back to normalcy?
Why are questions about the Rafale deal being asked to the opposition (which raised the issue) instead of being directed to the government that should give a clarification?
How is the media delivering verdicts on Kanhaiya Kumar and other JNU students, without even waiting for a judicial verdict?
Doesn’t it all seem little out of the ordinary? Is this how democracy functions? It didn’t, the last time I checked.
Conclusion
Since Modi’s BJP has found media and advertising as cheap tool of image management, they have lost touch with their party workers on the ground level. Now the party extends its control over news channels, newspapers, and social media—not by door-to-door contact.
The above four points do raise questions about the functioning of the BJP under Modi. The party that should have evolved on the principles set by Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who sticked to his ‘Raaj Dharm’ till the end of his career, now seems to have lost its path under the current government.